| US Perspectives 2006 - The Immigrant Rights Movement |
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| Written by Workers International League | |
| Friday, 30 June 2006 | |
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In recent months, millions
of immigrants and their supporters have hit the streets in the most
massive social mobilization in decades. No longer afraid of "la
migra" (the INS), and feeling the strength and solidarity of their
numbers, the sleeping giant of the immigrants’ rights movement has
begun to stir on a grand scale. The relief and joy felt by the participants
at finally being able to come out into the open and express all their
pent-up frustrations and aspirations is a common feature seen at the
beginning of every revolutionary process. This mass movement has
important implications for the coming American Socialist Revolution.
Although these demonstrations
seemingly erupted out of nowhere, the social, economic, and political
contradictions that set the stage for this have been simmering beneath
the surface of American society for decades. For generations, millions
of immigrants from around the world, and above all from Latin America,
have lived in the shadows of American society, working hard to make
a decent living for themselves and their families. Far from being "criminals"
or "terrorists", as the right wing media portrays them, immigrant
workers in the U.S. are among the hardest working and longest suffering
people on the planet. With their families’ well-being often dependent
on the money they can send back to the country of their birth, the last
thing they want is trouble.
But trouble came looking for
them. Politicians from both big business parties have been playing with
the lives of millions of people in a cheap attempt to gain votes in
a mid-term election year. They were also hoping to distract the public’s
attention from the quagmire in Iraq and dissatisfaction with the economy
by once again playing the “national security” card here at home.
House of Representatives bill HR4437, sponsored by Wisconsin Congressman
James Sensenbrennner, is a vicious attack on the rights of undocumented
workers, and by extension, on the rights of all working people in the
United States.
Low or even unpaid wages? Undocumented
workers took it. Dangerous slave-like working conditions and exposure
to toxic chemicals? Undocumented workers took it. Violence and extortion
by the bosses and the police, who know that those without documents
can hardly complain? Undocumented workers took it. Racist insults and
being treated like second-class citizens? Undocumented workers took
it. No political, trade union, or even civil rights? Undocumented workers
took it. Deportations for trying to organize a union and the constant
fear of raids by the INS? Undocumented workers took it. The sudden and
traumatic splitting up of families as a result of deportations? Undocumented
workers took it, all in the hopes that their children and their grandchildren’s
lives would be better. But as with all things in society and nature,
a “tipping point” has been reached where “enough is enough”.
Not surprisingly, some business
leaders oppose the Draconian legislation which threatens their pool
of cheap labor. Many employers support immigrant workers being in this
country because without them, many industries simply could not function.
Immigrant workers allow for greater profits to be extracted from all
working people by forcing competition between “documented” and “undocumented”
workers, thereby driving wages to the bottom in an economy where jobs
are increasingly hard to find. A lack of legal protections against low
or unpaid wages, unsafe working conditions, and poor housing conditions,
makes undocumented workers ripe for super-exploitation and increased
profits. By pitting workers against each other, the bosses can divert
our attention from the real problem: an economic system that puts profits
before people.
Due to its overwhelmingly working
class composition, the rank and file of the movement for immigrant rights
has a working class outlook. The immigrant community is made up millions
of working people doing some of the most difficult and tedious jobs
in the country. According to the AFL-CIO, workplace fatalities among
foreign-born workers have increased by 46 percent between 1992 and 2002.
An estimated 11 million undocumented
immigrant workers live in the U.S., and they form a major backbone of
the U.S. economy: as agricultural workers doing back-breaking work in
the fields; as maids and janitors in hotels and office complexes; as
meat packers, in the factories, and on construction sites; as cooks
and dishwashers in restaurants.
Due to the economic crisis
in the countries of their birth, millions have been forced to look for
a better life on this side of the Rio Grande. This is the direct result
of U.S. foreign policy and the neo-liberal economic policies of the
World Bank, the IMF, and “free trade” agreements like NAFTA. Many
have also escaped political persecution, and have come to rebuild their
lives in the “belly of the beast” - the country whose policies forced
them to flee their homes in the first place. Having fled economic hardship
and persecution at home, they now face the same situation here in the
“land of milk and honey”.
It’s not surprising therefore
that millions have come to the conclusion that there is nowhere left
to run – that if they have to make a stand for their rights, they
may as well make it here. It is an ironic and dialectical twist of history
that there are some 600,000 El Salvadorean expatriates in the Washington,
DC area alone – many of whom fled the U.S.-sponsored dirty wars of
the 1980s and 90s. Now they are bringing their organizing skills and
burning desire for social justice to the struggle for immigrant rights
– right in the shadow of the White House and the Pentagon.
Many trade unionists and even
some union locals have been extremely supportive of the immigrant rights
movement, especially in the service industry. Many rank and file members
fully supported the May 1 work stoppage / boycott and have come out
strongly against some of the main proposals being debated in Congress,
in particular the two-tiered system which would relegate so-called “guest
workers” to permanent second-class status.
The unity of all working people
in defending immigrant workers is of fundamental importance. The courage
of undocumented workers who face deportation just for standing up for
their basic rights is an inspiration for all working people. The bosses
can clearly see the danger of workers without documents uniting with
the rest of their working class brothers and sisters, and they seek
to divide us. There are no more crumbs to be had these days; in fact
the bosses are aggressively forcing even more givebacks and concessions
from the workers. With immigrant workers at the forefront, the labor
movement as a whole can finally turn back the bosses’ offensive that
has had us on the defensive for nearly three decades.
Latinos are now the largest
minority group in the country, and millions are among the most oppressed
workers in American society. For years we have explained that due to
their conditions of life, these workers were destined to play a leading
role in the working class’ struggle to change society. This is now
becoming a reality. There are hundreds of thousands who have never participated
in any political activity whatsoever who have now participated in a
mass demonstrations, work stoppages and boycotts. This is how rapidly
consciousness can change based on changing conditions.
At the present time there is
a general feeling of "immigrant unity" – regardless of class.
For example, many Latino businesspeople are supportive of the movement
at the moment and have agreed to give their workers the day off on May
Day. However, this "springtime" of the movement won’t last
forever. It will eventually split along class lines, as the business
owners’ interests and those of their workers collide. Immigrant business
owners who now have citizenship are some of the worst exploiters of
their communities, as they know the newer arrivals have no option but
to take the wages and conditions they are offered. They may be willing
to give their workers one day off today, but if the movement were to
move in the direction of an indefinite strike / boycott, they would
do everything in their power to stop it.
The only allies undocumented
workers can depend on are other workers. To really succeed, undocumented
workers must unite with all other working people, and link up the fight
for immigrant rights with all the other social movements and struggles
that are developing nationally, including the anti-war movement and
above all the labor movement. In workers’ unity there is strength!
The development of the movement
has in many ways been a microcosm of a full-fledged revolution, with
important implications for the future and important lessons that working
people and revolutionaries must absorb. All the ebbs and flows of a
revolutionary process, the advances and retreats, the optimism and confidence
followed by moods of pessimism and defeatism have swirled through the
movement at various stages. The rapid rise in consciousness has led
to an extremely dynamic and fluid situation.
In many cities, the energy
of the masses has swept aside the traditional leadership of the immigrant
rights movement, who have become accustomed to decades of slow work
and fighting uphill battles for a few minor reforms, unable to cope
with the radically changed situation. Important as they may have been
in keeping things together in the past, they have in many cases become
an obstacle to the advance of the movement. More and more, it is the
rank and file that is setting the tone of the movement, and throwing
up new leaders and spokespersons.
The spontaneity and ad hoc
organizing of the movement so far has been impressive, far exceeding
all the organizers’ wildest predictions. Those active in the movement
will emerge from this process with a wealth of experience and insight,
and it is clear that many of the best leaders of the coming American
Socialist Revolution will emerge from the rank and file of this movement.
But methodical organization and a trusted, tested, and accountable leadership
that has deep roots in the working class cannot be thrown up in the
heat of struggle.
The need for a revolutionary
party that fights shoulder to shoulder with the rest of our class is
vital. This in no way minimizes the incredible élan, creativity, and
fighting spirit of the working class, but we know all too well that
revolutionary movements and opportunities don’t come around every
day. We must painstakingly build a far-sighted and experienced revolutionary
leadership that is organically connected to the struggles of our class.
Otherwise, all the enthusiasm and energy of these movements can dissipate
without achieving what must be our ultimate goal: ending this exploitative
system once and for all. |
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